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Learn More. This article explores the relationship between kinship institutions and sex ratios in India at the turn of the twentieth century. Because kinship rules vary by caste, language, religion, and region, we construct sex ratios by these at the district level by using data from the Census of India for Punjab NorthBengal Eastand Madras South.

We find that the male-to-female sex ratio varied positively with caste rank, fell as one moved from the North to the East and then to the South, was higher for Hindus than for Muslims, and was higher for northern Indo-Aryan speakers than for the southern Dravidian-speaking people. We argue that these systematic patterns in the data are Horny women in Indian Valley with variations in the institution of family, kinship, and inheritance.

In contrast to Europe and North America, where the male-to-female sex ratio is 0. In India, and possibly elsewhere in Asia, however, the case of missing women has deep historical roots Dyson and Moore Although identifying when the problem of missing women first arose in India is difficult, British officials were well aware of the problem in North India during the mid-nineteenth century.

The male-to-female sex ratio was highest in northern regions, such as Punjab; relatively equal in eastern regions, such as Bengal; but relatively low and favored women in southern regions, such as colonial Madras Dyson and Moore ; Visaria Although the regional difference in sex ratios narrowed between the northern and southern regions during the twentieth century, the narrowing is largely due to the convergence of southern sex ratios toward the northern figures.

For all of India, the overall sex ratio increased from 1. During this period, however, the sex ratio in the historically most-masculine Punjab region in the North, ranging from 1. Although some regions in the South such as Kerala continue to exhibit a ificant feminine bias, the figure in Tamil Nadu in the South converged toward those of the North when it grew from 0.

Because the problem of missing women in India has existed for more than a century and a half and is an endemic and persistent feature of the Indian society, there are strong reasons to believe that the causes of missing women are both historically determined and slow moving.

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For many scholars, the family and kinship systems, which often determine the rights of women in traditional societies, are the most likely factors for the historically persistent pattern of missing women see Agarwal ; Das Gupta et al.

In a well-cited paper, Dyson and Moore argued that the northern Indian kinship system based on village exogamy led to lower autonomy of women, lower age at marriage, higher fertility, higher childhood female mortality, and higher sex ratios. By contrast, the southern kinship system, based on cross-cousin marriages, increased the autonomy of women and contributed to sex ratios that favored females rather than males. In this article, we delve more deeply into the relationship between kinship and sex ratios by studying sex ratios by caste, language, religion, and region at the turn of the twentieth century in India.

Because the castes were further distinguished by social hierarchy, occupation, and Horny women in Indian Valley, data by castes also provide useful information on whether kinship behavior varied by status and income. We also explore sex ratios by language and religion because marriage and kinship relationships are likely to differ among people who speak different languages and practice different religions.

Language not only facilitates communication but often codifies norms of kinship behavior Morgan Religious institutions also imposed strong restrictions on kinship and inheritance rules. Finally, because regions possess different factor endowments, economic structures, and political institutions, marriage and kinship behavior may differ by geography.

These three provinces were chosen because they represent the three major regions in India. Using detailed subcaste or jati-level data for each province at the district level, we find that sex ratios differed ificantly by caste, language, and region.

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The most ificant feature of the data is the variation in sex ratio by region. Sex ratio was the highest in the North; followed by the East; and then the South, where the sex ratio favored females. This regional pattern was extremely robust. The pattern was observed even after we controlled for district fixed effects and when we controlled for differences in caste composition. The same regional pattern also emerged for each caste, language, and religious category. Sex ratios also varied systematically by caste rank, language, and religion but less so with soil and climate.

The ratio varied positively with caste rank, was higher for Hindus than Muslims, was higher for northern Indo-Aryan speakers than the southern Dravidian-speaking people, and was higher in areas with higher rainfall.

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Although distinguishing between the economic and cultural factors is difficult, we believe that these systematic patterns in the data seem consistent with variations in the institution of family, kinship, and inheritance. Because caste rank is highly correlated with landownership and income, sex ratio variation along caste lines is consistent with both economic and cultural factors.

However, the extremely robust regional variations in sex ratios seem much more consistent with regional variations in kinship institutions than with variations in economic factors. For example, among those of similar castes, sex ratios are consistently higher in the North and the East than in the South even with controls for geographic factors, which should capture variations in agricultural practices across the regions. This article is organized as follows. In the next section, we present our theoretical framework for studying the relationship between family-kinship institutions and sex ratios and then examine the relationship between kinship institutions and gender bargaining power in India.

Then we present data on sex ratios by caste, religion, language, and regions for three provinces, followed by regression framework to estimate the impact of these variables on sex ratios.

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Next, we explore the origins of the regional divergence of family and kinship institutions in India. We conclude with a short summary. In India and elsewhere, the elites used religious and kinship institutions, in addition to their economic and military resources, to establish informal norms and beliefs to define property rights and resolve problems of cooperation and conflict Greif a. Because the formal bureaucratic organization of the elites was relatively limited in India, the informal institution of religion, caste, and kinship played a paramount role in the lives of local peasants.

Importantly, the family and kinship institutions possessed ificant distributional consequences for different members of society, especially between men and women Stone In Europe, a kinship system based on bilineal descent, nuclear family, and an inheritance system that gave women the right to inherit property contributed to relatively strong autonomy of women.

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In many parts of Asia, however, a kinship system based on patrilineal descent, the importance of t family i. Because the distribution of family resources between the sexes depends on the bargaining power of men and women within marriage and kin group, the kinship systems are likely to influence sex ratios. There are two types of family bargaining models: the separate spheres model Lundberg and Pollak and the divorce-threat model Manser and Brown ; McElroy and Horney The spheres bargaining model, with internal threat points determined by the control of resources within marriage, is applicable to the Indian scenario, where divorce is highly restricted, especially for the higher castes.

For empirical evidence on the correlation between female bargaining power and the distribution of family resources that affect the relative health, nutrition, and mortality of female members of the family, see Hoddinott and HaddadLundberg, Pollak, and Walesand Thomas In many instances, we believe that the kinship institutions reduced both the internal and external threat points of women simultaneously.

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See McElroy for a comprehensive treatment of the empirical content of family bargaining model. By placing restrictions on marriageable partners, rules of descent, and rules of residence, kinship institutions define the nature of the bargaining power among different family, kin group, and endogamous members. Moreover, these traditional kinship institutions play a major role in determining the bargaining power of women, which in turn affect the health and economic welfare of women and female children of developing countries such as India Agarwal; Folbre ; Miller Anthropologists believe that the bargaining power of family members is likely to be influenced by the restrictions on the alliance formation within and across families and kin groups as defined by different kinship systems.

For example, bargaining power of women is lower in patrilineal and patrilocal societies compared with matrilineal and matrilocal societies Fox ; Stone In a patrilineal society, because consanguine women cannot reproduce the lineage, they are less valuable as allies; however, in matrilineal societies, because sisters reproduce lineages, they are likely to form strong bonds.

A framework for studying kinship institutions and sex ratios

Women tend to live farther from their natal homes and have less support of their natal family when residence is patrilocal than when it is matrilocal. Because women marry into familiar kin networks rather than to strange families, they are likely to have more allies. While the underlying causes of cross-cousin marriages are complex, Agarwal has argued that cross-cousin marriages were an important means of keeping landed property within kin groups even if inheritance was matrilineal ancestral property passes through the female line or bilateral ancestral property passes through both females and males.

In India, kinship organization and female autonomy also varied by caste, language, religion, and region Karve Although scholars continue to debate as to why the institution of caste arose and has persisted, the caste with few exceptions is an endogamous group whose members were often related to each other by ties of blood or marriage Munshi and Rosenzweig Within any given locality, endogamous caste leaders or caste assemblies enforced family, marriage, and kinship norms.

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The kinship ideals exist in all groups but have more influence among the higher castes Mandelbaum The fact that parents had ificant bargaining power over their children in India also contributed to the lower bargaining power of women. Arranged marriages combined with extremely low age at marriage generally lowered the bargaining power of women relative to parents and the extended kin group Agarwala ; Mathur From a regional perspective, the most distinctive difference in kinship organization was between North and South India Dyson and Moore ; Karve The southern kinship system varied more considerably.

Although most societies were patrilineal and patrilocal, some such as the Nayars in Kerala were matrilineal and matrilocal. However, the prevalence of close-kin marriages ificantly increased the autonomy of women in the South. Marriage between close kin tightened the circle of Horny women in Indian Valley groups, and married women lived near their natal families and continued to have close relationships with them after marriage.

Although levirate was prohibited, widow remarriage, except for the Brahmins, was allowed. The regional differences in inheritance practices also provided less access to property for women in the North than in the East and the South Agarwal In North India, according to the customary Hindu inheritance laws found in the ancient legal treatises, the Dharmasastra and their commentaries, except for the succession of kings, inheritance was multigeniture rather than primogeniture.

In the East, however, under Dayabhaga law adopted in Bengal and Assam, sons did not acquire rights to property by birth but only at the death of the father.

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As a result, fathers possessed ificant bargaining power over their children because they could control the size and share of property obtained by sons. For women, their rights to property were slightly more favorable under Dayabhaga because a chaste widow in the absence of sons inherited the rights to manage the property although she was not given the rights to alienate it. Although property rights of women were limited throughout most of India, including the South, at least three regions in South India held pockets of communities that practiced matrilineal and bilateral inheritance.

Some scholars, such as GoodyTambiahand Botticini and Siow interpreted dowries as a form of premortem inheritance for women, but Agarwal argued that only a handful of groups in South India practiced dowry in this form.

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